I do not care what Planet is with what plant
or if the moon is associated with Cheese or not ,
are going about sneaking about it.
Bovine you got mango and Avocado mixed up in Aztec Mythology , and the moon , and all that stuff
Got to read up on all that Pre Hispanic Mexican American stuff .. (see below post if do not want to see link)
Edit doesn't explain much , but Avocado has something to do with 1 woman, and 9 men in the Mythology (see link)
I think She already deleted my post I wrote out on the Gucamola post twice (so follow up)
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/232688469_The_Avocado_Persea_Americana_Lauraceae_Crop_in_Mesoamerica_10000_Years_of_History
(post from few days ago I actually found this info in a few minutes reading the Text of those links to connect the two)
((People may not have wanted to read that link , I copied pasted so I also copied the text below this post from that link)
I am not sure If I was wrong with that Avocado statement , and the Moon
When I was reading it I thought it said shaped like a crescent
I thought I saw the word Moon Oops (see text below)
(but did see it was involved in the creation Myth when I wrote these links
maybe Some India text references mango's as a Creation myth if so sorry to offend you Bovine)
will have to look more into some of these words In The Text below.
Copied from here
Overview of the Popol Vuh: the Maya Bible
By Christopher Minister
Updated July 03, 2019
The Popol Vuh is a sacred Maya text which narrates the Maya creation myths and describes the early Maya dynasties. Most of the Maya books were destroyed by zealous priests during the colonial era: the Popol Vuh survived by chance and the original is currently housed at the Newberry Library in Chicago. The Popol Vuh is considered sacred by modern Maya and is a priceless resource for understanding Maya religion, culture, and history.
Maya Books
The Maya had a writing system before the arrival of the Spanish. Maya "books" or codices, consisted of a series of images which those trained to read them would weave into a story or narrative. The Maya also recorded dates and important events in their stone carvings and sculptures. At the time of the conquest, there were thousands of Maya codices in existence, but priests, fearing the influence of the Devil, burned most of them and today only a handful remain. The Maya, like other Mesoamerican cultures, adapted to the Spanish and soon mastered the written word.
When Was the Popol Vuh Written?
In the Quiché region of present-day Guatemala, around 1550, an unnamed Maya scribe wrote down his culture's creation myths. He wrote in the Quiché language using the modern Spanish alphabet. The book was treasured by the people of the town of Chichicastenango and it was hidden from the Spanish. In 1701 a Spanish priest named Francisco Ximénez gained the trust of the community. They allowed him to see the book and he dutifully copied it into a history he was writing around 1715. He copied the Quiché text and translated it into Spanish as he did so. The original has been lost (or possibly is being hidden by the Quiché to this day) but Father Ximenez' transcript has survived: it is in safe keeping in the Newberry Library in Chicago.
The Creation of the Cosmos
The first part of the Popol Vuh deals with the Quiché Maya creation. Tepeu, God of the Skies and Gucamatz, God of the Seas, met to discuss how Earth would come into being: as they spoke, they agreed and created mountains, rivers, valleys and the rest of the Earth. They created animals, who could not praise the Gods as they could not speak their names. They then tried to create man. They made men of clay: this did not work as the clay was infirm. Men made of wood also failed: the wooden men became monkeys. At that point the narrative shifts to the hero twins, Hunahpú and Xbalanqué, who defeat Vucub Caquix (Seven Macaw), and his sons.
The Hero Twins
The second part of the Popol Vuh begins with Hun-Hunahpú, father of the hero twins, and his brother, Vucub Hunahpú. They anger the lords of Xibalba, the Maya underworld, with their loud playing of the ceremonial ball game. They are tricked into coming into Xibalba and killed. Hun Hunahpú’s head, placed on a tree by his killers, spits into the hand of the maiden Xquic, who becomes pregnant with the hero twins, who are then born on Earth. Hunahpú and Xbalanqué grow into smart, crafty young men and one day find ball gear in their father’s home. They play, again angering the Gods below. Like their father and uncle, they go to Xibalba but manage to survive due to a series of clever tricks. They slay two lords of Xibalba before ascending into the sky as the sun and the moon.
The Creation of Man
The third part of the Popol Vuh resumes the narrative of the early Gods creating the Cosmos and man. Having failed to make man from clay and wood, they tried making man from corn. This time it worked and four men were created: Balam-Quitzé (Jaguar Quitze), Balam-Acab (Jaguar Night), Mahucutah (Naught) and Iqui-Balam (wind Jaguar). A wife was also created for each of these first four men. They multiplied and founded the ruling houses of the Maya Quiché. The four first men also have some adventures of their own, including getting fire from the God Tohil.
The Quiché Dynasties
The final part of the Popol Vuh concludes the adventures of Jaguar Quitze, Jaguar Night, Naught and Wind Jaguar. When they die, three of their sons continue to establish the roots of Maya life. They journey to a land where a king gives them knowledge of the Popol Vuh as well as titles. The final part of the Popol Vuh describes the establishment of early dynasties by mythic figures such as Plumed Serpent, a shaman with godly powers: he could take on animal form as well as travel into the sky and down into the underworld. Other figures enlarged the Quiché domain by means of war. The Popol Vuh ends with a list of past members of great Quiché houses.
Importance of the Popol Vuh
The Popol Vuh is a priceless document in many ways. The Quiché Maya—a thriving culture located in north-central Guatemala—consider the Popol Vuh to be a holy book, a sort of Maya bible. To historians and ethnographers, the Popol Vuh offers unique insight into ancient Maya culture, shedding light on many aspects of Maya culture, including Maya astronomy, the ball game, concept of sacrifice, religion and much more. The Popol Vuh has also been used to help decipher Maya stone carvings at several important archaeological sites.
Sources
Goetz, Delia (Editor). "Popol Vuh: The Sacred Book of the Ancient Quiche Maya." Adrian Recinos (Translator), Hardcover, Fifth Printing edition, University of Oklahoma Press, 1961.
McKillop, Heather. "The Ancient Maya: New Perspectives." Reprint edition, W. W. Norton & Company, July 17, 2006.
TEXT on Avocado
((People may not have wanted to read that link , I copied pasted )))
The avocado has been consumed in Mesoamerica by human groups since prehistoric
times (Mac Neish, 1964). Buckler et al. (1998)
documented that from 16,000 to 8,000 BC the
weather in this region was appropriate for avocado development. It is therefore possible that
avocado cultivation began at this early time and
continued to be used by different cultures that
inhabited the Americas (Galindo et al., in press).
Examples of these cultures and their use of the
avocado are explained in more detail below.
Caral, Peru
In Peru, the Supe Valley was inhabited by the
Caral civilization, the oldest known culture in
the Americas (Solis et al., 2001). Ethnobotanical
remains found here suggest a system of agriculture that depended on irrigation (Solis et al.,
2001). Furthermore, recent findings indicate that
the Supe Valley comprises a cultural complex
going back as far as 3100 BC; and domesticated avocado botanical remains indicate that
avocado was grown there at least since 1200 BC
(Skidmore, 2005). Moreover, because there is no
evidence of maize or any other grain (Skidmore,
2005), it is possible that avocado was an important staple for these people before other crops
were grown there. In addition to the Caral civilization, there is also archaeological evidence
that the avocado was a part of the diet of groups
inhabiting the Moche Valley in northern Peru in
2500–1800 BC (Pozorski, 1979), and on the
Peruvian coast in 1500 BC (Heiser, 1979).
Mokaya, Mesoamerica In Mesoamerica, one of the first known cultures is the Mokaya (1800 BC). The Mokaya inhabited the Soconusco area during the Formative period (1500 BC–300 AD), and although the Mokaya name means maize, there is evidence that this was not their primary food source (Taube, 2004). As the Mokayas were a sedentary group engaged in food acquisition, with an incipient agriculture, it is possible that they used common fruits in the area, especially those as nutritive as the avocado, as a source of food. In addition, as the Mokayas were the forerunners of the Olmec and Maya cultures (Taube, 2004), they may have passed on to them their knowledge of the use and cultivation of trees, including the avocado. Maya, Mesoamerica Like the Chontales, the Mayas also had a special appreciation for trees. In the Popol Vuh, a Mayan holy book written in Mayan hieroglyphic script around 1550, there is a part that refers to the Creation Myth. In this part of the book there is an interesting reference to a place with many trees (“the delightful place”): “There, the creators found the yellow and the white maize as the appropriate food for men and from them they made the flesh when man was formed. In this beautiful place full of delights there were many trees of pataxte (Theobroma bicolor Bonpl.) and cacao (Theobroma cacao L.), and innumerable zapotes (Pouteria sapota (Jacq.) H.E. Moore & Stearn), anonas (Annona muricata L.), jocotes (Spondias purpurea L.), nantzes (Byrsonima crassifolia (L.) Kunth.), and matasanos (Casimiroa edulis La Llave & Lex.)” (Anonymous, 2002). There are paleoethnobotanical accounts suggesting the Maya used the coyol tree (Acrocomia aculeata (Jacq.) Lodd. ex. C. Mart.) as a source of food, oil, and/or wine (Lentz, 1991). It is also known that other fruit trees, such as ciruela (Spondias sp.), nance (Brysonimia crassifolia (L.) Kunth), avocado (Persea americana), and possibly zapote (Pouteria sp.), were common in the Copan Valley (Guatemala) from 900 BC to 900 AD, indicating a reliance on arboriculture as part of the subsistence strategy for the Mayas (Lentz, 1991). With regard to the avocado, Colunga-García and ZizumboVillareal (2004) have suggested that domesticated avocados from other cultural areas were introduced to the Maya lowlands by at least 3400 BC. The Mayas, however, had used avocado since ancient times (Fedick, 1995), and they were among several of the Mesoamerican cultures that domesticated this fruit (GamaCampillo and Gómez-Pompa, 1992).
Iconographic Data
Since many documents that could have shed
light on pre-Hispanic avocado history were
destroyed by the Spanish in their effort to
Christianize the cultures that inhabited
Mesoamerica (Ossenbach, 2005), the iconographic data reveal important information
about the relationship between the avocado and
some Mesoamerican cultures. One example is
the Maya civil calendar (Haab calendar) developed between 800 and 300 BC. In this calendar
the name of each month is based on seasonal
and agricultural events, and the 14th month is
represented by a glyph representing the avocado. The Mayas called this glyph Uniw or
Uniiw in their classic language and K’ank’in in
the yucatec of the 16th century (Landa, [1560]
1978; Kettunen and Helmke, 2005). Another
example is in the Pacal tomb inscriptions in
Palenque, Chiapas, Mexico. This tomb was
built in 650 AD, and on the sides of the sarcophagus are 10 figures representing Pacal’s
ancestors, 9 of them men and 1 a woman
(Schele, 1974). Every figure emerges from the
earth, and behind each of them there is a tree
with fruits that include the cacao, avocado,
soursop (Annona muricata L.), and chicozapote
(Manilkara zapota (L.) P. Royen) (Schele,
1974). These figures represent a forest growing
around the king’s sarcophagus and also represent the main fruit trees the Mayas cultivated
around their homes, as it was thought that their
ancestors were reborn as the trees (Schele,
1974, 1998).
Other interesting iconographic data that support the importance of the avocado in
Mesoamerica is found in “El Codice Mendoza,”
a manuscript painted by an Aztec tlacuilo
(“artist”) at the time Don Antonio de Mendoza
was viceroy of New Spain (“Nueva España”;
Mendoza, 1989). In this manuscript there is a
glyph representing Ahuacatlan, whose name
means a place where avocado is abundant. This
town was identified by a tree with a tooth in the
trunk (ahuacacahuitl) and a calli, meaning
place or town (Telliz, 2000). Castillo (1978)
has placed this town in the state of Jalisco
(Mexico), because the other towns mentioned
in the same plate belong to this area. In addition
to the iconographic data, there is also an Aztec
legend that describes the way Yaotl was transformed into an avocado grasshopper (ahuacachapulin) as punishment when he disobeyed
the gods (Robelo, 1951).
